Hillary clinton and hidden thesis

Hillary Rodham senior thesis

Accompanying the decline of the traditional neighborhood as a living unit [was] the massive centralization of power on the federal level…. Federal centralization reduced local and state power…. Thus, we find ourselves in the middle of an urban crisis which is really a crisis of community power.


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  3. Hillary Rodham Clinton;

One … element is the role of participation. The … model assumed that participation, as the root of the democratic process, was a necessary and good thing. Alinsky and Rodham both were for social transformation. She found Alinsky admirable but probably not replicable at a national scale. But was her choice definitive?


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  • Is the idealistic Rodham still with us? Would Alinsky have concluded that in her choice to take the establishment route Hillary sold out? Alinsky, in Rules p. Two examples would be the priest who wants to be a bishop and bootlicks and politicks his way up, justifying it with the rationale, "After I get to be bishop I'll use my office for Christian reformation," or the businessman who reasons, "First I'll make my million and after that I'll go for the real things in life. Alinsky, by reports, was more of a genial than judgmental man.

    Reading Hillary Rodham leaves little doubt in this columnist's mind that, notwithstanding the massive policy and philosophical differences between us, her desire to make people better off, and the world a better place, is authentic. Yet… the seductions of celebrity — power and glory — are enormous. Moving from the secular political equivalent of priest to bishop to cardinal — and next, perhaps, to Pope — though, could it be occurring to her that central planning simply will not work?

    Hillary rodham college thesis

    Hillary is in a bind. Her political base could turn on her. Yet the ability to become a transformational agent of social betterment -- through subsidiarity and human dignity -- is within her grasp. That adjustments are made to records of climate is neither a scoop, nor a secret, nor a controversy. The question arises in light of the U. House of Representatives' launching of an impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump in fall But it was run by two Ukrainians.

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    Shop Snopes. He was a sometimes brutal seeker of power for others, schooling radicals with maxims such as "Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it and polarize it. A Methodist field trip The teenage Rodham and the year-old Alinsky met, of all places, on a Methodist church outing. Her youth minister, Don Jones, was introducing the youth of white, comfortable Park Ridge to social action. When Rodham returned to Wellesley for her senior year and began scouting for a topic for her honors thesis, professor Schechter suggested she look up Alinsky again.

    She interviewed him in Chicago, in Boston and when he accepted her invitation to visit Wellesley. The difference is that Alinsky really believes in them and recognizes the necessity of changing the present structures of our lives in order to realize them.

    Although some Clinton biographers have been quick to label Alinsky a communist, he maintained that he never joined the Communist Party. He said he was happy to work with anyone — the Roman Catholic Church, black Protestants, the communists — whoever would invite him into a neighborhood.

    Their platform stood for all the right things, and unlike many liberals, they were willing to put their bodies on the line. In her paper, she accepted Alinsky's view that the problem of the poor isn't so much a lack of money as a lack of power, as well as his view of federal anti-poverty programs as ineffective. She cited scholars who claimed that Alinsky's small gains actually delayed attainment of bigger goals for the poor and minorities. Putting Alinsky's Rochester symphony threat into academic language, Rodham found that the conflict approach to power is limited.

    She noted, however, that he was trying to broaden his reach: In , Alinsky was developing an institute in Chicago at his Industrial Areas Foundation, aimed at training organizers to galvanize a surprising target: the middle class. That was the job he offered to Hillary Rodham. Though some student activists of the s may have idolized Alinsky, he didn't particularly idolize them.

    At the time Hillary Rodham brought him to Wellesley in January to speak at a private dinner for a dozen students, he was expressing dissatisfaction with New Left protesters such as the Students for a Democratic Society. One of his criticisms, surprisingly, was their tactical mistake of rejecting middle-class values. Rodham closed her thesis by emphasizing that she reserved a place for Alinsky in the pantheon of social action — seated next to Martin Luther King, the poet-humanist Walt Whitman, and Eugene Debs, the labor leader now best remembered as the five-time Socialist Party candidate for president.

    In a very important way he is. If the ideals Alinsky espouses were actualized, the result would be social revolution. Ironically, this is not a disjunctive projection if considered in the tradition of Western democratic theory. As such, he has been feared — just as Eugene Debs or Walt Whitman or Martin Luther King has been feared, because each embraced the most radical of political faiths — democracy. Later that month she became nationally known.

    Given the rare honor of offering a student speech at her Wellesley commencement, she startled the faculty and parents — and thrilled many of her classmates — with a rambling rebuke to the day's main speaker, the black Republican Sen. Her options after graduation were attending law school at Harvard or Yale, traveling to India on a Fulbright scholarship, or taking the job with Alinsky's new training institute, which would have allowed her to live in Park Ridge with her parents, Hugh and Dorothy Rodham, and commute into Chicago. But we had a fundamental disagreement.